The Administration Had No Plan to Prevent Widespread Family Separations

Officials told Congress on Tuesday that they had been given no instructions for keeping families together.

Administration officials testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee about reunifying families separated at the border.Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Newscom via ZUMA

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After missing a court-imposed deadline last week to reunite families separated at the border, administration officials have an explanation for why they had so much trouble keeping immigrants parents and children together: It wasn’t their job.

Representatives from the departments of Homeland Security and Health and Human Services went before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Tuesday for heavy questioning about efforts to reunify families following a Trump administration policy that took migrant children away from their parents. As of last Friday, the deadline to reunite all families, nearly 1,000 of the 2,442 children who had been separated from their parents remained in government custody.

Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) asked Carla Provost, acting chief of US Border Patrol, what instructions the administration had given her agency about preventing family separations in the months leading up to the Justice Department’s introduction of its zero-tolerance policy that led to widespread separations. “That is not an area that [Customs and Border Protection] deals with in any aspect,” Provost replied, adding, “The initiative was a prosecution initiative and our focus was on the prosecution.”

Leahy said it would have been easy to keep track of families by issuing matching ID bracelets to parents and children“I mean, Chuck E. Cheese uses things like this to check parents and their children when they’re there,” he said. 

Instead, CBP uses a registration system that notes in a child’s immigration file whether he or she was accompanied into the country by an adult and, if so, that adult’s immigration number. But Jonathan White, a public health official at the Department of Health and Human Services, told the committee that matching information across HHS and the various immigration enforcement agencies requires an extensive forensic data scrubbing process. As a result, he said, there are still “a few” children who have not been matched to their parents.

White said he had raised concerns within the administration about family separation before the zero-tolerance policy was announced but was told there was no plan to separate families. He said splitting up families can cause trauma, although he noted that HHS and Immigration and Customs Enforcement have collaborated to try to prevent the ongoing situation from creating more mental health damage for separated children. He also said HHS was not prepared for this situation, since it had never previously been responsible for reunifying families and had to operate in “an incredibly compressed timeframe.”

There’s another big hurdle to the system: Once parents are no longer in ICE custody—because they have been deported or released on bond—the agency has no way of tracking themHHS would not disclose how many of the deported parents it has found after since the federal court order in June to reunite families. The administration officials testifying before the committee on Tuesday cited the order as the reason for ICE’s stretched resources and its inability to reunite families in time. 

But Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) disagreed. “No, it was the result of this policy by this president,” he said. “Zero-tolerance policy was not created by this judge. The separation of 2,700 children from their parents was not the judge’s decision.”

As Mother Jones previously reported, as of even late July some parents are still being separated from their children at the border

“It’s almost Kafka,” said Leahy. 

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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