What We Know About Violence in America’s Prisons

One fifth of inmates say they’ve been assaulted by another prisoner or a guard.

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Read Mother Jones reporter Shane Bauer’s firsthand account of his four months spent working as a guard at a corporate-run prison in Louisiana.

Safety is an issue in all prisons, but accurate data on violence in prisons can be hard to come by. Here’s a look at what we know about physical and sexual assault in America’s prisons—and what was reported at the private prison in Louisiana where Shane Bauer worked.

 

Physical Assault Behind Bars

 

Sexual Assault Behind Bars

  • Officials reported fewer than 8,800 incidents of rape and other sexual victimization in all American prisons and jails in 2011.
  • Yet between 3 percent and 9 percent of male inmates say they have been sexually assaulted behind bars, which suggests more than 180,000 current prisoners may have been victimized.
  • Former inmates of private state prisons are half as likely to say they have been sexually victimized by another inmate as those who were in public state prisons. However, they are nearly twice as likely to report being sexually victimized by staff.
  • 66% of incidents of sexual misconduct by prison staff involve sexual relationships with inmates who “appeared to be willing,” according to authorities.

 

Women are…

  • 7% of the total prison population
  • 22% of all victims of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization
  • 33% of all victims of staff-on-inmate sexual victimization

 

Private vs. Public prisons

There is no current data on how violence in public prisons compares with violence in private ones. The last study released by the Department of Justice, in 2001, found that the rate of inmate-on-inmate assaults was 38 percent higher at private prisons than at public prisons.

 

Violence at Winn Correctional Center

While working as a guard at the Corrections Corporation of America’s Winn Correctional Center in early 2015, Shane Bauer noted 12 stabbings over two months. Yet records from Louisiana’s Department of Corrections show that Winn reported just five stabbings during the first 10 months of the year. (CCA says it reports all assaults and that the doc may have classified incidents differently.)

  • During those 10 months, Winn reported finding 114 inmate weapons—nearly 3 times what was found at the GEO-run Allen Correctional Center, a medium-security prison of roughly the same size.
  • Winn’s rate of uses of “immediate” force by staff at Winn was 40 times greater than that of the similarly sized state-run prison in Avoyelles Parish.
  • The rate of incidents where Winn inmates were sprayed with pepper spray or other chemical agents was 3 times the rate of such incidents at Allen and Avoyelles.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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