Behind Herman Cain’s Smokin’ Ad: His Big Tobacco Days

Herman Cain's campaign manager, Mark Block, stars in the 2011 art house flick, "Now is the time for action!"<a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=qhm-22Q0PuM">The Herman Cain</a>/YouTube

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.

This Herman Cain campaign ad, which was released last night, has gotten a lot of people wondering what Cain’s been smoking. The Daily Beast‘s Michelle Goldberg calls Cain’s smile at the end “the creepiest fucking thing I’ve ever seen.” MoJo alum Suzy Khimm says Cain must be “clearly a devotee of Ryan Gosling in Drive, with that slooow smile at the end.” Long-shot presidential candidate Buddy Roemer, who like the rest of the field is probably wondering why he is is trailing in the polls to Herman Cain, immediately contemplated filming a spoof.*

So the ad is indeed kind of nuts. But the smoking bit raises an interesting point. Cain has been able to sell himself to Americans (and the press) as the pizza guy who makes pizza jokes, and he pitches tax plans that sound like the kind of thing that Jon Huntsman would say sounds like a pizza plan. But that’s just a part of his career. As the New York Times pointed out on Sunday, there’s another side to Cain: lobbyist. And as a lobbyist for the National Restaurant Association in DC in the 1990s, Cain was one of the tobacco industry’s best friends on K Street. His group received big bucks from major cigarette manufacturers, and returned the favor by opposing things like smoking bans. When he left, meanwhile, an R.J. Reynolds lobbyist, Rob Meyne, penned an internal memo on Cain’s future prospects. Noting that Cain was considering a presidential run in 2000, he wrote: “Nice to have goals, huh?” Meyne outlined a number of perceived electoral strengths for Cain—African American, a compelling public speaker, good record as a businessman, etc.—but added that there were a few weaknesses which he would only share off-list:

 

We’d really love to know what the too-hot-for-email weaknesses were.

Block, meanwhile, in addition to being Cain’s campaign manager, is the former Wisconsin state director for Americans for Prosperity, the Koch brothers-backed astroturf organization that helped bankroll the tea party movement beginning in 2009. AFP poured half a million bucks into last summer’s recall elections. And under Block’s watch in 2010, the Wisconsin state chapter engaged in a short-lived voter suppression scheme targeting college students. Which shouldn’t have been that surprising given his history: In 1997, as Alex Pappas notes, Block was banned from any political activities by the state of Wisconsin for three years and forced to pay a $15,000 fine for illegally coordinating with a purportedly independent, nonpartisan get-out-the-vote drive to drum up support for his candidate, state supreme court judge Jon Wilcox.

As is almost always the case in such ads, it’s what goes unsaid that’s most revealing.

*Do it, Buddy.

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

We Recommend

Latest

Sign up for our free newsletter

Subscribe to the Mother Jones Daily to have our top stories delivered directly to your inbox.

Get our award-winning magazine

Save big on a full year of investigations, ideas, and insights.

Subscribe

Support our journalism

Help Mother Jones' reporters dig deep with a tax-deductible donation.

Donate