A Congressional Bailout for a Pharma Firm?

<a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/melloveschallah/4286759185/">melloveschallah</a>/Flickr

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The fate of the global economy hangs in the balance as Congress continues to haggle over tax cuts, revenue increases, and raising the debt ceiling. But at least they’re taking care of big pharma.

On Thursday, the House passed a John Conyers (D-Mich.)-authored amendment to the massive bipartisan overhaul of the nation’s patent system. Technically, the measure pushes back when the clock starts ticking on patent expirations, making it easier for companies to secure the rights to the products they create. But in practice, it seems to have allowed one drug company to maintain its patent on a single drug.

Roll Call reports that in 2000, the Medicines Co. (MDCO) missed the deadline on extending its patent on a blood-thinning drug called AngioMax—by one day. That extension would’ve kept generic versions of the drug off the market until 2014; missing the deadline meant that generics could flood the market by as early as 2010, costing MDCO anywhere between $500 million to $1 billion in profits.

MDCO sued the US Patent Office and WilmerHale, the firm that allegedly bungled the extension application. The stakes for WilmerHale are considerable: if a generic hits the shelves before June 15, 2015, the firm has to cough up $214 million to MDCO, according to a settlement reached earlier this year.

The two firms spent millions lobbying Congress to pass legislation overturning the rejection. And it paid off. Speaking in front of the House Judiciary Committee, Conyers, the committee’s senior Democrat, said the amendment would make a “technical—but important—revision” to federal patent law. “By eliminating confusion regarding the deadline… [it] provides the certainty necessary to encourage costly investments in lifesaving medical research.”

Skeptics see the amendment as an earmarked bailout for MDCO and WilmerHale. And there’s a case to be made that the amendment violates the House’s anti-earmark stance:

Although the amendment does not obligate taxpayer funds be spent on a specific project, by virtue of its narrow scope it falls within the broad definition of an earmark and is a classic example of Congress taking pains to assist powerful interests, Taxpayers for Common Sense Vice President Steve Ellis said.

The language “really has no business in this bill,” said Ellis, who called the amendment “almost a private law that helps one or two companies.”

In the 2010 cycle, health professionals and pharmaceutical companies clock in as Conyers’ sixth and ninth-highest campaign contributors. Lawyers and law firms? #1. But Conyers isn’t the only lawmaker who seems to be performing interest group-due diligence: from 2009 to 2010, lobbying, public relations, and pharmaceutical groups (combined) gave 60% more to House members that voted for his amendment than to those who voted against it, according to the folks at MapLight.org.

Anti-earmark pledge or no, it’s not surprising that Conyers et. al, are taking care of those who take care of them. But bending over backwards to bail out specific corporate entities smacks of some pretty crafty lobbying by MDCO and WilmerHale. It also suggests that, with 2012 looming in the not-so-distant future, some members of Congress are in no position to risk upsetting their most generous donors.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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