Fighting the GOP for Independence

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The Senate banking committee’s talks on crafting a comprehensive financial-reform bill are still slogging along this week, with no bill in sight despite expectations we’d see a draft this week. So what’s holding up the negotiations? Top of the list of stumbling blocks involves the creation of a new consumer-protection agency—and, more specifically, the independence of that new agency. 

Back in November, Sen. Chris Dodd (D-Conn.), chair of the banking committee, unveiled an early draft of financial reform that notably contained an independent Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA). The CFPA would be a watchdog with its own budget and rule-writing and enforcement power to protect consumers against predatory lending, abusive credit-card practices, hidden overdraft fees, and the like. There were two watchwords for the CFPA back then: One was “standalone,” meaning the new agency would look like the EPA and wouldn’t be housed within an existing organization. The other was “independen.” Unlike regulators like the Office of Thrift Supervision or financial gatekeepers like the credit ratings agencies, all of which became captive to the people they were supposed to regulate before the crisis, independence meant the agency wouldn’t rely on fees from the people they were supposed to be regulating, letting them rein in banks and non-banks freely and effectively.

Today, creating a consumer agency that’s standalone isn’t nearly as important—or controversial—as one that’s independent. Indeed, independence has turned out to be the lightning-rod issue. As Dodd recently explained, he doesn’t care all that much where a consumer agency is housed—the Treasury, the Fed—so long as it has the independence to do its job. “We’re talking about an agency…that has the autonomous ability to craft rules and to be directly involved in the enforcement of those rules,” he said. “Now where that’s located is less relevant.”

Consumer advocates, who’ve been openly critical of several of Dodd’s proposals, agree that independence is paramount. “There is a difference between a standalone agency and an agency that is independent but might be within another agency,” says Heather Booth with Americans for Financial Reform. “We don’t necessarily need it to stand alone, but we’re still fighting for an independent consumer protection agency that has real teeth.”

Senate Republicans, however, aren’t so keen on that independence. Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), Dodd’s main negotiating partner, and Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.), the banking committee’s ranking member, recently pitched a watered-down version of a consumer agency within the Fed that would report to the Fed chairman—a death blow to the agency’s independent power. They also don’t want a consumer agency to have the kind of enforcement and rule-writing power that Dodd and other Democrats do. All of which is to say, in the coming days keep your eye on the issue of independence for a new consumer-protection agency. With it, consumers stand to gain from Dodd’s new reforms; without it, any attempt at protecting consumers is merely window dressing.

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

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