Bechtel Gets $128 Million “Small Business” Contract

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There are a bunch of things that happen pretty regularly in Washington that would probably outrage the average citizen but which both political parties don’t really care much about. One example is the constant awarding of federal “small business” contracts to megacorporations. Defenders of the practice point out that the government has a small business contracting “target,” not a requirement. (The target is 23 percent, but although it awards many of the “small business” contracts to businesses that aren’t actually small, the government misses that goal anyway.) They also argue that some contracts are just too complicated or sensitive to be carried out by small businesses. But that doesn’t make it sting any less when a Fortune 500 company like Bechtel Bettis is awarded an $128 million “small business” contract.

The contract in question seems to be for the Energy Department’s Pittsburgh Naval Reactors Office, which is associated with the Bettis Atomic Power Laboratory, which is basically a joint DOE-Bechtel venture. (This isn’t unusual. The public and private sector are inextricably intertwined throughout much of America’s defense infrastructure. The people who work at the Bettis lab are Bechtel employees, not federal employees.)

Anyway, none of this is a good excuse for counting the deal as a “small business” contract. Sure, it could be an error, but it’s probably not: In recent months, other “small business” contracts have gone to General Dynamics, Xerox, Boeing, Lockheed Martin, British Aerospace (BAE), and Dell, according to the American Small Business League. Maybe it’s too much to ask that the federal government not rely on big corporate contractors for this kind of work. But it shouldn’t be so hard for them to be honest about it.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

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