Iraq: Provincial Elections Could Be Delayed

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Iraq’s Electoral Commission sent a letter to the country’s parliament yesterday, warning that unless lawmakers move quickly and pass polling legislation, long-awaited provincial elections—supposed to occur before October 1—might not be held this year. The vote, if and when it happens, is an important linchpin in the American strategy to disperse political power from Baghdad to the local level, a move that would placate disgruntled Sunni groups that boycotted the 2005 election and, as a result, found themselves under the unwelcome jurisdiction of Shiite and Kurdish politicians—and their respective militias.

“We need at least three months after the law is passed to prepare so polling can be up to international standards,” Electoral Commission chairman Faraj al-Haidari said yesterday in an interview with Reuters. “Even if the law is passed in the coming days, we will only be able to vote at the end of the year. Any more delay, and we won’t be able to have elections this year.”

Breaking the impasse in parliament, however, will not be easy. Sectarian paranoia runs as deep there as it does on Iraqi streets, and the outcome of provincial elections could bring significant, and perhaps permanent, changes to the current power structure. For example, Kurdish politicians angrily walked out of parliament last week in response to a provision attached to the election legislation that would have provided for a “provincial council” in Kirkuk to include pre-determined numbers of Kurds, Sunnis, and Turkmen. Control of the city is a particularly sensitive subject for Kurds, who were driven out under Saddam Hussein’s “Arabization” program that sought to guarantee Sunni control over nearby oil fields. Kurds have flooded back into the city since the 2003 invasion, much to the displeasure of Sunni and Turkmen residents.

Other issues to be sorted out before elections can be held include: whether to pass a provision requiring that provincial councils be 25 percent female; whether religious imagery will be permitted on campaign materials; whether to allow voters to vote for individual candidates or only for political parties.

Photo used under a Creative Commons license from James Gordon.

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“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

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