November/December 1998 Issue

Pentagon Promotion

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For a Pentagon employee, nothing could ensure a lucrative post-government career more than a stint with the Defense Security Assistance Agency (DSAA), which administers the Foreign Military Sales program. The DSAA receives a 3 percent commission on the defense equipment it sells to foreign countries, which creates, according to a 1991 report from Congress’ Office of Technology Assessment, “a powerful incentive for DSAA personnel to make as many sales as possible.” (In 1992, Congress placed a yearly cap on these commissions.)

A review of DSAA’s last 10 directors shows that nine went to work for arms makers or defense industry consulting firms after leaving the agency (six for firms that sell weapons or services overseas).

Lt. Gen. George Seignious (1971-1972) became chairman of GRC International Inc., a defense and national security consulting firm.

Vice Adm. Ray Peet (1972-1974) became vice president for international affairs for Teledyne Ryan.

Lt. Gen. Howard Fish (1974-1978) went to Lockheed and served on a Pentagon advisory committee that gives confidential advice to the secretary of defense on overseas sales. He also worked for Loral and LTV, and headed the American League for Exports and Security Assistance, which lobbies Congress for foreign sales.

Lt. Gen. Ernest Graves (1978-1981), a military analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, never went to work full time for the defense industry. “I just wasn’t comfortable with the notion of trading commercially on relationships I had formed when I was working for the government,” he says.

Erich von Marbod (1981-1982) was hired by Fish to work for LTV.

Lt. Gen. James Ahmann (1982) became a vice president at BDM, which owns Vinnell, a consulting firm that trains the Saudi Arabian National Guard, a praetorian guard for the royal family.

Lt. Gen. Philip Gast (1982-1987) became vice president for international operations at Burdeshaw Associates, which represents defense contractors seeking overseas contracts.

Lt. Gen. Charles Brown (1987-1990) worked for Military Professional Resources Inc., a firm that trains foreign armies and facilitates sales of U.S. military equipment.

Lt. Gen. Teddy Allen (1990-1993) took a consulting job at Hughes the day after he left DSAA.

Lt. Gen. Thomas Rhame (1993-1997) presided over DSAA when the agency expanded sales to former Eastern bloc countries. Now he’s a vice president at the Association of the United States Army lobbying group, which, Rhame says, is heavily funded by the defense industry.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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