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November 19, 1996: The Dirty Dozen have been re-elected to Congress, most by a comfortable margin.

A notable exception: Far-right freshman Steve Stockman (R-Texas), garnered only 46.4 percent of the votes in his district, and faces a December 10 run-off against his opponent, Nick Lampson.

Among the two “good women” singled out for praise due to their strong ethics, Lynn Rivers (D-Mich.) has been re-elected, while Linda Smith (R-Wash.), an advocate of campaign finance reform, is still waiting for the results of a ballot re-count.

In the 1967 movie The Dirty Dozen, Lee Marvin forged a band of corrupt misfits into a patriotic fighting unit. The 104th Congress, led by Newt Gingrich, went the other way.

Elected as a patriotic force promising to clean up government corruption, Newt’s recruits perfected the art of legislating favors for financial sponsors. Though often robed in Christian righteousness, these sponsors read like a list of vice peddlers. Gambling casinos. Tobacco giants. Gun lobbies. Big polluters. Arms manufacturers.

In selecting our Dirty Dozen, we looked at House members with financial ties to these and other influential special interests. We paid particular attention to lawmakers who had received hidden money from (or performed covert favors for) these interests; to leading members of the powerful freshman class (which came in promising reform); and to the House leadership, with its vested interest in the status quo. Although there are other candidates who arguably meet these guidelines, we chose those representatives whom we believe best reflect the specific character of corruption in the 104th Congress.

Historically, congressional corruption has sustained itself through artful combinations of public interest and private pork. But there’s a new, permissive culture in the House. This Congress dispensed with the public interest part and took the payoffs — while claiming that God and the Market required nothing less.

Newt led the way, bringing the same creative flair to election financing that Michael Milken once showed on Wall Street. House Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Texas) upped the ante by openly inviting his corporate sponsors to redraft the nation’s clean air and water laws. And, in a truly bipartisan effort, many Democrats buttoned their lips about the corruption or joined in themselves.

Nor did the media speak up. Particularly in the high-stakes game of the season — telecommunications –media companies did more contributing than reporting, pumping more than $4.5 million into congressional coffers.

None of this has proved to be popular with the still-smoldering electorate. So in this election season, their campaign chests bulging, our Dirty Dozen and their congressional colleagues have dusted off their populist poses. They’re filling the airwaves, trying to sound like Lee Marvin’s World War II hero, with sanctimonious talk of their political courage and superior personal values. Given the amount of money they’ve collected, it might even buy them another round in the House.

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

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