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1964 The scientist and the lawyer

On January 11, 1964, some 200 members of the press are handed a 150,000-word report by Surgeon General Luther Terry’s blue-ribbon advisory committee on smoking. The report concludes that “many kinds of damage to body functions and organs, cells and tissues occur more frequently and severely in smokers” than in nonsmokers. The New York Times calls the findings “a severe blow to the rear-guard action fought in recent years by the tobacco industry. It dismisses, one by one, the arguments raised to question the validity of earlier studies.”

In a remarkable February 18, 1964, memo to his superiors, Philip Morris research director Helmut Wakeham writes: “The industry must come forward with evidence to how. . .its products, present and prospective, are not harmful. . . The industry should abandon its past reticence with respect to medical research.”

Wakeham’s proposal angers Paul Smith, Philip Morris’ ultraprotective general counsel. “I’d hear from Smith every day,” Wakeham says later. “The legal department’s view of it was that you couldn’t be criticized for not knowing something.”

At the annual shareholders’ meeting in April 1964, Philip Morris President Joseph Cullman says his company scientists and outside experts feel the surgeon general’s prime conclusion linking lung cancer to smoking is unjustifd–not at all what Wakeham’s memo stated. Years later, Wakeham’s subpoenaed memo would provide compelling evidence in a critical liability lawsuit against the company.

1964 A cowboy is born

The phrase “Marlboro Country” lodges in the collective consciousness of the Leo Burnett ad agency team as it struggles to break Marlboro–a cigarette really no better than any other brand–out of its lethargic sales. Then one day a member of the Burnett team brings in a recording of the score for the 1960 Western The Magnificent Seven. Video footage rolls as the narrator speaks over the rousing movie music. The net effect is electrifying: A cigarette as larger-than-life hero, its virtues made manifest by thundering hoofbeats and soaring brass horns.

Thirty years later, even though restricted by law to print media only, “Marlboro Country” has survived as one of the most successful advertising campaigns ever devised. The overworked metaphor’s enduring appeal: “Marlboro Country” is unpolluted, free of hazards to one’s moral and physical health–precisely the opposite of what science says about smoking cigarettes.

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“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

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And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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