A Lead-Crime Study Passes the Gelman Test

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Several months ago I wrote about a new study that compared lead poisoning and crime rates at the census tract level in St. Louis. This is one of the most detailed, neighborhood-level studies I’ve seen, and the authors reached a simple conclusion: “We uncovered a relatively strong effect of lead on behavior, especially violent behavior.”

Today, Andrew Gelman took a look at this study. My first response was “Uh oh.” Gelman tends to specialize in debunking bad statistics, so this might not go well. But in the end, Gelman was convinced:

I had a bit of a skeptical reaction—not about the effects of lead, I have no idea about that—but on the statistics….So I contacted the authors of the paper and one of them, Erik Nelson, did some analyses for me.

First he ran the basic regression—no Poisson, no spatial tricks, just regression of log crime rate on lead exposure and index of social/economic disadvantage…. Then I asked for a scatterplot: log crime rate vs. lead exposure, indicating census tracts with three colors tied to the terciles of disadvantage….He also fit a separate regression line for each tercile of disadvantage. As you can see, the relation between lead and crime is strong, especially for census tracts with less disadvantage.

….In summary: the data are what they are. The correlation seems real, not just an artifact of a particular regression specification. It’s all observational so we shouldn’t overinterpret it, but the pattern seems worth sharing.

As I said in the original post, this is yet another ecological study, which shows correlation but not necessarily causation. Still, there are a lot of ecological studies from all over the world, with more coming on a regular basis, and they all show the same thing. So it’s reassuring that this particular study passes the Gelman test. The relationship between childhood lead poisoning and violent crime is getting stronger all the time.

 

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

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