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Should we institute a tax holiday on foreign earnings, a one-time deal that allows U.S. companies to bring home profits from their overseas operations at a low rate? Peter Coy and Jesse Drucker argue that it’s a bad idea: we did it before in 2004, and companies all figured out that if it happened once, it would happen again. So they started piling up even more earnings overseas than before. Ezra Klein comments:

But if you read the piece, you’ll also realize that all the good arguments in the world might not be able to stop this bad idea from happening. There’s a lot of money riding on it, so there’s a lot of money behind it. “The pro-holiday coalition has quietly assembled an all-star lobbying and communications team,” report Coy and Drucker. The communications strategist is Anita Dunn, “who served as President Barack Obama’s interim communications director during his first year in office.” [Etc.]

Tax cuts for corporations and the rich always have a pretty good chance of passing, so this is hardly a surprise. But I have a question: I’ve read some seemingly persuasive arguments that taxing foreign earnings is a bad idea in the first place, and it’s something that virtually no other rich country does. Here’s a typical version of this argument from the CEO of Cisco:

The U.S. government’s treatment of repatriated foreign earnings stands in marked contrast to the tax practices of almost every major developed economy, including Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, France, Spain, Italy, Russia, Australia and Canada, to name a few. Companies headquartered in any of these countries can repatriate foreign earnings to their home countries at a tax rate of 0%-2%. That’s because those countries realize that choking off foreign capital from their economies is decidedly against their national interests.

So how about it? Is there something to this, or is something important being left out? What’s the liberal conventional wisdom here?

(Of course, in a more blue-sky vein, I’m in favor of phasing out the corporate income tax completely and replacing it with a carbon tax. That would be almost 100% beneficial to everyone, and yet, it will never happen. Strange, isn’t it?)

UPDATE: Turns out Coy and Drucker addressed this issue in their piece. I shoulda clicked the link. Ezra sums it up here.

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Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

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And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

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