Enumerated Powers and the Individual Mandate

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Austin Frakt points to the latest figures from Massachusetts, which implemented Mitt Romney’s universal healthcare scheme a few years ago, and the news is pretty good. Nearly 98% of Massachusetts residents are now insured, including 97% of working age adults and nearly 100% of children and the elderly. At a guess, the outlier result among Hispanics is mostly due to noninsurance among undocumented workers, which means the insurance rate among legal residents is probably close to 98%. Thanks Mitt!

So how did Massachusetts do it? The answer, of course, is that RomneyCare includes an individual mandate. You’re required to buy health insurance or else face a penalty. This, along with subsidies for poor people, has prompted nearly everyone to get insured.

Which is as good an opportunity as any to muse on the weirdness of the U.S. constitution. How is it, after all, that a mandate to buy health insurance is plainly legal for the state of Massachusetts, but a district judge can rule that it isn’t legal for the federal government? The answer, of course, is that the U.S. constitution is an odd duck: it doesn’t simply allot power between the central government and the states, which is a fairly common feature of democratic constitutions, nor does it merely prohibit the central government from doing certain things, which is also common. It goes further: it specifically lays out the things the federal government is allowed to do. If it’s not on the list, it can’t be done.

State governments, as well as most other constitutional democracies, aren’t set up this way. The state of Massachusetts can basically do anything it wants as long as it’s arguably rational and not specifically prohibited or reserved to the federal government. And this works out fine, which is why it’s so odd to hear opponents of a federal individual mandate chatter so furiously about slippery slopes and tyranny. After all, the argument goes, if the commerce clause of the constitution is interpreted to mean the federal government can force you to buy health insurance, what can’t the federal government do?

Well, they can’t keep you from owning a gun, they can’t deny you a fair trial, they can’t stop you from voting, and they can’t prohibit you from saying anything you want. Among other things. But if all 50 states in the union can force you to buy health insurance, and none of them have yet turned into tyrannies because of it, why should we think that allowing the federal government the same power might turn it into a tyranny?

There’s no reason, really, except the status quo. We have this weird constitution, forged by men who were indisputably brilliant but nonetheless scarred by recent events and writing a democratic governing document for the first time in history. All things considered, they did a helluva job. But the Apple II was a helluva job too, and that doesn’t mean it was the last word in personal computers. The enumerated powers of the constitution may be something we have to live with, but living with it for two centuries shouldn’t blind us to the fact that it’s still a pretty strange restriction on the power of our central government.

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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